Kennedy Dailey (She/Her)
At the pub quiz, on a particularly intoxicated Tuesday, I met a guy wearing a t-shirt of Che Guevara’s portrait layered over a fake Balenciaga long-sleeve. He said that he “doesn’t subscribe to communism, but (he) doesn’t condemn it either.” I thought that was already quite obvious.
When talking about communism right now, it has lost that distant alarm sound of threat to the regime, secret meetings in back alleys, and forbidden propaganda pamphlets passed around university campuses. It’s difficult to visualise a communist movement in twenty-first century Aotearoa, because there isn’t one, and hasn’t been one for a long time. To hear it straight from the deserted frontlines, I interviewed the socialists, the unionists, and the Bolsheviks to find out what has been lost, and what can be rediscovered.
These days, being a socialist or communist has lost its stigma. This, both groups recognise, is a blessing and a curse. Now that it is easier to identify as a comrade, a broader range of people do; this can connect all struggles together and popularise the propaganda of the resistance. On the other hand, communism doesn’t pose the threat it used to because identity does not necessitate action. If one is free to support the idea of communism without being attacked on the street, one feels less inclined to actively resist one's attacker.
With this, obvious recognition must be given to comrades who are already disenfranchised in ways other than class. Most modern communists view their movements as inclusive of other marginal struggles, particularly those that intersect with race and gender. Ultimately, there is more risk in being a minority and a comrade. As we have seen recently in Aotearoa, these social issues are inextricable. The massive hikoi in November brought to the Kiwi consciousness that a threat to Māori self determination was a colonial, classist, and environmental attack.
The International Socialists’ Organisation prefers to support consciousness-raising among students and citizens alike. Socialists Sophie and Lily are focused on building the capacity to sustain these social movements. Through meetings and reading groups, they aim to “not bring revolution but bring more to the consistency of protests.” Essentially, the strides of our social justice do not begin and end with our feet in the march (or our repost to social media).
The socialists were expectantly ambivalent about social media. It was their view that social media can unite and overwhelm people who view online activism. People become quite disillusioned when they aren’t given the ability to channel their anger into real-world action. But it is, of course, “a helpful tool for discussion.”
Next, the unionist provides the most practical plan for mobilisation. I spoke at length with Elena Tiso, passionate union member and socialist student about how the lack of organised love for your co-workers has led to us all being exploited. There is no prominent and threatening union that can represent all labour forces in meaningful ways. This scale of collective organisation was lost to neoliberalism and the privatisation of industries.
In terms of social media, it was an instant no-go. For a trade unionist, this makes sense, because the instinctual feeling of being face-to-face with your comrades (and with your oppressors) cannot be replicated through a screen. The attention economy makes communism compete with consumerism and bears the scars of “trendiness” (à la the Che Guevara/Balenciaga fusion). Unions inspire loyalty because everyone around you shares your knowledge of pain and power. To be able to look your army in the eye does miles more in transforming anger into something useful.
Finally, the Bolshevik, Amal, led with a warning of what’s to come. The social, economic, and political conditions currently escalating are largely similar to those of the pre-WWII period. When I asked if violent resistance was necessary, the “yes” was accompanied by a disclaimer on the present necessity to spread communist ideas through conversation. Such fun to challenge the King to a duel, tricky to throw the first punch. Alas, it remains important for people to understand what it is they are getting into – not for participation in peaceful protest, but for the impossibility of a peaceful revolution. The first step, right now, is the need to change minds and resonate with the masses again.
What ran through all these conversations was nostalgia and the growing parallels to the past. There once was a fiery and offensive student movement in the 1970s, mostly owed to the Vietnam War protests. A united front, an endless dialogue, a distinct task-at-hand let radical ideas spread wildly through the campuses and student flats of Aotearoa. Right now, Amal is focused on the government’s efforts to ban puberty blockers in NZ which echoes the 70s protest movement to legalize abortion. ISO’s involvement in protests against the Palestinian genocide are reminiscent of photographs from the Vietnam War socialist countermovement. If revolution is cyclical, then just like the hope and unity of our predecessors, we cannot lose sight of it, we should not be distracted.
Do I have what it takes to be a communist?
Do you believe in the power of the student voice?
Chances are, no. Students for the last 50 years haven’t seen a strong enough counterculture to pose a genuine threat to the governing class. This is, in part, to do with the lack of a strong union, but also the general lacklustre of political discussion. Aotearoa in the 1970s was bursting with activity and a cohesive community. This is when many on campus socialist and communist groups were founded.
Are you employed under a casual contract?
Casual contracts are the easiest ways for employers to enchant students with the promise of flexible work. These sound absolutely perfect until you are just simply not rostered for weeks on end and are not given sufficient shifts during the breaks. Employers prefer to hire a surplus of casual labourers at minimum wage, to guarantee a full team, with no consideration for whether students can survive on this income. Even worse, having a large and ambiguous staff makes it very difficult to align your mistrust in your boss and unionise. As well, because students are employed all over the retail/hospitality sector, it is even more difficult for a student union to cover all its bases.
Frustrated with the First Year Free & Third Year Free fiasco?
When NZ made the switch to neoliberalism, universities were among the first to semi-privatise. Essentially, universities run like a business, which means there are the greedy executives and there are the worker-bees. Recent university-wide cuts were heavily opposed by communists and socialists alike, because the sacrifices got smaller as they travelled up the ladder. When VUW was established by the government, their policy was that the highest student fee would not exceed the lowest fee of any other university in the country. Now, while the government finds routes to abandon tertiary funding, we yearn for the days of having a right to higher education and a universal student allowance to live off. Sounds just a bit better than having two weeks of orientation, and the reinstallation of a bourgeoise university populace.
Could you probably take your landlord to the Tenancy Tribunal but ceebs?
Lack of concrete information and steps on how to bring your shitty flatting situation to justice is the goal of the bourgeoisie. Everyone’s landlord has violated the 24/48-hour rule for entry and inspection, failed to communicate promptly and graciously, and rent keeps going up. When the urban working-class in the nineteenth century complained of their overcrowded and unsuitable housing, the state stepped in. While viciously racist and poorly planned, the government showed that they did have the capacity to provide the working-class with healthy housing. Furthermore, having a collective landlord makes it easier to bargain as a group. This is complicated by the intervening factor of property agencies like Quinovic.
Are you upset and unsure how to help with wars overseas?
During the Vietnam War, youth counterculture was soaring across oceans and every political sphere. In 1971, when half of the total student roll marched against the Vietnam War, there was $2000 raised to buy a tank for the Viet Cong! Okay, this was actually just a popular rumour; the money was donated to medical aid. Today, adjusted for inflation, this would be around $36,700.
Would you like to be a part of a strong and organised union?
Elena sheepishly stated that VUWSA execs will make “wonderful Green Party MPs,” which is both wonderful and true. The point is that the VUW student union has lost its unconventionality as well. To find this, Bolshevik Amal says, there is a need to build up political life on campus, which will uplift modest conversations into ambitious campaigns. All those interviewed agreed that capitalism connects all issues of hate and marginalisation. Therefore, there should be no difficulty in gathering a force to reckon with, if we weren’t so distracted and disillusioned.
Do you know where to go to become politically enlightened and organised?
Unfortunately, Reddit and Instagram comment sections don’t count as political third spaces, in my book. When I met Mere Montgomery, who established the Polynesian Panthers chapter in Dunedin (one of the few female Panthers leaders globally!), she said that it all began when her fellow students just started showing up at her flat. This was 1973, during the height of Kiwi youth counterculture, and she set up an education centre in town to give legal aid to Māori & Pasifika students. These physical places to go for help, discussion & debate, and camaraderie barely exist anymore. A true loss in the emotional connection necessary for political consciousness.
If you would like to get involved with a union or one of these clubs, please reach out to the people or organisations mentioned. If you would like to see change, see it in the eyes of the person next to you.